Monetary Policy, Fiscal Policy – What to Do?

Why isn’t our monetary policy working?  Set and executed by the Fed, it aims, by expanding or contracting the supply, cost and availability of money, to increase economic growth and lower unemployment, or cut inflation.  But we are stuck in low growth and high unemployment despite an extraordinarily expansionary policy.  What should we be doing?

The Fed continues to greatly expand money supply and it has for many years cut to unprecedented lows the cost of borrowing money.  In “normal” times that encourages more borrowing.  Those very low interest rates did  fuel borrowing for investment in dot-com and real estate price boom/bubbles.  They also enabled ongoing consumption that exceeded income.  But then the bubbles burst and asset values collapsed.   That was the start of “new normal” times.  Borrowers no longer had sufficient assets to support more borrowing, greed was supplanted by fear, and folks began repaying existing debt while they still had income.  Making borrowing more attractive is useless when borrowers cannot or will not borrow more.

Expansive monetary policy is not working now because we are in a balance sheet recession.  More specifically, we are in a household balance sheet recession.  Mortgaged real estate is by far the largest asset of most households.  While the real estate bubble was expanding they could get ever-larger mortgages and equity loans.  Now they can’t.  They can no longer continue borrowing to spend more than they earn.  Since household spending accounts for 70% of USA GDP, that hurts all across the economy.  The following chart illustrates the severe contraction of household debt in the last couple of years and suggests it will continue for at least another four years before it’s back to what could be a “normal” level.

Lower household spending resulted in a contraction of economic growth, which shrank income growth and raised unemployment.  That led to lower tax revenue and higher welfare program spending that compounds the preexisting imbalance between government income and spending.  While our household debt drops, our public debt soars.

Low interest rates help in one important way by minimizing the cost of public debt.  They hurt by minimizing the income of pension funds, insurance companies, and all fixed income investors whose spending commitments depend on a “normal” rate of return.  Their “new normal” income is often significantly below their committed spending.  And QE, the Fed’s injection of new money into the economy, helps equity investors only temporarily:

QE stimulates the  confidence fairy but she stops dancing when QE ends.

Large enterprises that account for most of the S&P 500 are helped by low interest rates, they refinance existing borrowing at lower rates, but they have no need or desire to borrow for expansion.  For one thing, they already have sufficient resources; more importantly, they do not expand production in face of shrinking demand.

The big banks are in better shape than when the real estate bubble burst.  The Fed bought large amounts of their bad loans and the value of their assets now appears to be in better balance with their liabilities.  But their assets may have much less value than appears.  The value of property against which they made loans  is now much lower.  Derivatives they own based on those loans may have no value at all.  Instruments they sold that insure against such risks may trigger payouts higher than they could make.  Big banks are now afraid to lend to each other because they do not know if either they or their counter-party is solvent.

What will happen if we stay on this course?  It looks like deflation first, then inflation.  We’re getting lower-than-expected results or declines in GDP, job growth, retail sales, income growth, manufacturing production, core capital goods orders, vehicle sales and initial unemployment claims.  We have uncertainty about tax rates, an imminent “fiscal cliff” and a dysfunctional congress.  Commodity prices are declining worldwide, there’s a sovereign debt crisis in Europe, and ominous economic indicators in China, Japan, India, Brazil and other emerging nations.   Collapsing aggregate demand could force producers to cut prices to find buyers.  That would trigger rising unemployment and more defaults, bankruptcies and bank failures.  Deflation would be followed by inflation if the Fed and other central banks expanded the supply of money far beyond the value of what it could buy.

No need to flesh out how bad that could be.  What can we do to avoid it?  How can we stimulate growth and employment?

The indicated strategy is the opposite of our apparently emerging fiscal policy.  The National Association of Manufacturers and others estimate the Budget Control Act of 2011 which mandates $1.2 trillion of Federal spending cuts between 2013 and 2021 will cost one million jobs in the private economy by 2014, drive unemployment up 0.7% and cut GDP growth by 1%.   Federal spending in 2011 was $3.753 trillion of which $1.233 trillion, the spending for goods and services, was added to GDP.  Transfers, e.g., Social Security and interest on the debt do not add to GDP, only if they are used for private spending.  Two thirds of Federal spending for goods and services, $835 billion, was for national defense.  If, as seems probable, cutting that spending will cut GDP growth and employment, the opposite, increasing that spending, should increase economic growth and employment.

It would not be productive to stockpile more weapons or borrow more money to wage wars in Afghanistan and elsewhere, but there are productive alternatives, investments in the same class as President Eisenhower’s 1956 National Interstate and Defense Highways Act and his 1958 National Defense Education Act in response to the Soviet Union’s Sputnik launch.    We are now under-investing in transportation infrastructure and education, greatly so relative to China, Singapore and others, but our greatest vulnerability is availability and cost of energy.  Failing to address that will make our defense impossible.  Fixing it will have great competitive benefit.

The Department of Energy funded a recently published detailed analysis of the extent to which renewable energy supply can meet US needs over the next several decades.  Its most key finding is:  “Renewable electricity generation from technologies that are commercially available today, in combination with a more flexible electric system, is more than adequate to supply 80% of total U.S. electricity generation in 2050 while meeting electricity demand on an hourly basis in every region of the country.”  See: http://www.nrel.gov/analysis/re_futures/

This means we can eliminate our greatest vulnerability, which could happen soon, e.g., by Iran blocking the Gulf, and must happen when the wells run dry, and by doing it first we would create an enormous global market for our solution.  Why would we not not work with utmost urgency to achieve that?  Enough money is available for the private sector’s share of the investment and the Fed would create more if required.  The US government would have to take on additional debt to fund its share but there would be no problem selling the bonds because the US is already considered the least unsafe borrower.  This investment program would be viewed positively, unlike the existing structural budget deficit and it’s the perfect time for such an investment because borrowing costs are so low.

But we cannot do this with a Congress that will not take action, a President whose leadership does not compel action, and a citizenry that does not understand what to demand.

For much more detail on monetary theory and what the Fed and other nations’ central banks do and why, see my earlier post at:

Can Monetary Policy Reverse our Economic Decline?

Socially Acceptable Healthcare

We have in the USA universal access to medical treatment via the most costly system possible.  What we need is a socially acceptable level of healthcare for all with a way for those who can pay more to get more.

Everyone on US soil regardless of citizenship has the right to medical treatment defined by the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) passed under President Reagan.  A frequently quoted court judgment about it says:  “The Emergency Act was passed in 1986 amid growing concern over the availability of emergency health care services to the poor and uninsured. The statute was designed principally to address the problem of “patient dumping,” whereby hospital emergency rooms deny uninsured patients the same treatment provided paying patients, either by refusing care outright or by transferring uninsured patients to other facilities. Reports of patient dumping rose in the 1980s, as hospitals, generally unencumbered by any state law duty to treat, faced new cost containment pressures combined with growing numbers of uninsured and underinsured patients. Congress responded with the Emergency Act, which imposes on Medicare-provider hospitals a duty to afford medical screening and stabilizing treatment to any patient who seeks care in a hospital emergency room.”

Since essentially all hospitals are Medicare providers, EMTALA in effect mandates that anyone who comes to a medical emergency department must be examined and, if suffering from an “emergency medical condition”, provided with treatment.  A pregnant woman in active labor, for example, must be admitted and treated until delivery is completed.  We treat everyone regardless whether they can pay but only after they need the most costly treatment.  Our cockamamie approach means hospitals must recover the cost of treating those who cannot pay via higher prices for those who do.

Medical insurance in the US is a significant burden on US employers who provide it, a burden their competitors do not bear.  In 1986 we decided to no longer accept that many Americans were being denied treatment for a medical emergency, but we have yet to face up to the competitive issue.

We need all Americans to be productive.  Getting everyone to want to be productive must also be addressed but that is outside the scope of this post.  To be productive you must be healthy, which means you must have access to healthcare.  Since some treatments are extremely expensive and everyone is at risk of needing them, insurance is necessary for all.  Because most people will not in fact need the most costly treatments, universal insurance has the lowest per capita cost.  We currently insure only those over 65 years of age and to a lesser extent those with a serious health issue who cannot afford treatment, i.e., only the most costly to insure.

We need our health care costs to be affordable.  We currently have no defined limits on what treatment will be supplied yet ever advancing technology makes what can be attempted to prolong deeply and irreversibly impaired life astronomically costly.  Who should get what level of treatment is a value judgment we avoid discussing.  We should debate openly what judgments about treatment we want in our society.

There is, however, no disagreement that we want the finest possible healthcare.  That means those who can pay for the best should be able to do so, and the best should be affordable by as many as possible so as to maximize its supply in our society.  If great healthcare isn’t available affordably within our system, we will increasingly go to other countries for treatment.

So what in the end does “socially acceptable” mean?  It implies a level of rationing we agree is OK at a cost we agree is OK.  Achieving that balance is among the most difficult of all challenges.  We will get nowhere until we accept that a balance is necessary.

Another Sad Day for Nepal

The Constituent Assembly did not reach agreement by their final deadline last night on how many Federal districts Nepal should have, their geographical boundaries or, most contentiously, if they should be set up on ethnic lines.

Prime Minister Bhattarai recommended that President Yadav should dissolve the CA and hold elections for a new assembly on November 22.  “We have no other option but to go back to the people and elect a new assembly to write the constitution,” he announced on TV. “We had completed the army integration process by taking a big risk and tried to forge consensus but the peace and the constitution drafting process could not move forward.”  He said leaders of other parties were “not cooperating with the government’s move to draft the constitution based on the principle of federal structure”.

Bhatterai said executive powers now rest with him and his cabinet who will serve as the interim government and hold the election to replace themselves.

Five major parties promptly demanded Bhatterai’s resignation, declared his move “unconstitutional” and issued a joint statement: “The Prime Minister’s unilateral move to conduct fresh election by allowing to dissolve the most representative Constituent Assembly was aimed at capturing power and this has created frustration in the minds of the general public  …  It has ended the politics of consensus and created a situation in which people’s democratic rights are suppressed”.  The public has long been more than frustrated, the CA never did exhibit politics of consensus and the people have yet to experience democratic rights.  The CA was elected to develop the Constitution and reintegrate the Maoist soldiers into society within two years.  Instead, they wasted four years.

The Nepali Congress leader said the CA should be replaced by a national unity government to hold the election because “one who is not a member of the Parliament cannot hold the post of the PM.”  These politicians would never agree on who would lead such a government, of course.

A senior CPN-UML leader said Bhatterai’s proposal is not viable because there is no provision in the Interim Constitution for another CA election.  He said:  “The PM should have made attempt to amend the provision of the constitution before announcing the fresh election by forging consensus”.  These politicians could never agree even on a forgery.

President Yadav must now rule on the legal issues and decide what to try next so Nepal’s secular democratic republic can become a reality.  Today is a public holiday observing Republic Day when Nepal’s Parliament abolished the Hindu monarchy on May 28, 2008.

Capitalists and Other Psychopaths

A recent piece in the New York Times, “Capitalists and Other Psychopaths”, achieves lift-off from: “4% of a sample of corporate managers met a clinical threshold for being labeled psychopaths, compared with 1% for the overall population”.  Buried in this horse-shit are a pony the author points to and a horse he overlooks.

The horse-shit:  An earlier version of the piece said 10% of people who work on Wall Street are clinical psychopaths.  It also failed to note the study’s disclaimer that the sample, 203 corporate professionals, was not representative.  The writer had a conclusion and failed to respect the data.  The sample is both not representative and too small – 1% of 203 is only two people.  What he wanted to say is the statistics are unsurprising because “Wall Street is capitalism in its purest form, and capitalism is predicated on bad behavior”.  He offers a jumble of factual examples – accounting frauds, environmental damage and so on – that also fail to support his conclusion.  Frauds are crimes.  Crimes are not unique to capitalism but occur in every part of every society.  Environmental damages are market externalities (e.g. pollution costs the public not the polluter so it must be regulated).  Capitalism, like every other system, does not resolve every issue for any society.

The pony:  The writer’s anger about “so-called job creators who deserve our gratitude not our envy” leads him to some very important points for tax policy:

  • Entrepreneurs use wealth to create jobs for workers, workers use labor to create wealth for entrepreneurs
  • Neither party aims to benefit the other but both do gain from the exchange
  • Most of the rich are not entrepreneurs.  They are executives of established corporations or people who inherited money

The horse:  It may not be 1% but psychopaths are plentiful at every level of society.  This writer is angered by rich ones, others by poor ones.  This writer admires moms who single-handedly support themselves and raise good kids.  Others focus on successful entrepreneurs who become philanthropists or those born with nothing who never take a handout.  We see demons, “Fatcat CEOs”, “Welfare Queens” and such, and heroes, “Job-creating Investors”, “Fingers-Worked-To-The-Bone Grandparents” and so on.  Demons and heroes do manifest reality, that’s why they have power, but all they do is point out aspects of reality.  Our job is not to hate or worship them.  We must get past the entertainment they provide and take the indicated actions.

It really doesn’t matter if 4% or some other percentage of the 1% who have most of the wealth in our society are psychopaths, or if 1% or some other percentage of the other 99% are psychopaths.  Every society always has been sprinkled with psychopaths.  Cultures throughout the world and from the dawn of history have depended on an ethic of reciprocity expressed as a Golden Rule, “treat others as you would like to be treated” and Silver Rule, “do not treat others in ways you would not like to be treated”.  Behavior according to those rules is self-reinforcing.  It works automatically in all people blessed with empathy.  But societies must legislate and enforce the Silver Rule because it does not work for psychopaths who by definition lack empathy.

In the same way, while Adam Smith’s great insight that free markets work automatically means the “invisible hand” should be allowed to work its magic, regulation is necessary for market externalities and those regulations must be enforced.

Nepal’s Constitution

Nepal’s Constituent Assembly (CA) just settled one of the remaining big issues for the new constitution.  There will be a directly elected President and a parliament-elected Prime Minister.  Unresolved issues include the most contentious of all, how the states should be structured.  The Maoist party, whose vice-chairman Baburam Bhatterai is currently Prime Minister, wants eleven federal states.  The other big parties, the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, want eight.  The alliance of small Madhesi parties wants a single province for the Madhesis who make up around half of Nepal’s total population.

The fundamental issue is whether states should be based primarily on language/ethnicity, economics or geography.

The CA was elected on 10 April 2008 to establish a new constitution within two years.  Earlier election dates in June and November of 2007 had been missed.  When the CA failed to meet its April 2010 deadline they granted themselves another year.  With little progress made by then, they granted themselves a further year.  When they missed that deadline, too, they were given a hard one of May 27.

The Maoists had gotten a third of the seats in the CA in the 2008 election by promising representation to Nepal’s ethnic minorities.  Four years later, as the May 27 deadline draws near there are rallies, protests and strikes all across the country.  Hard deadlines usually don’t mean much in Nepal but the people are angry at long last.  There’s no electricity 14 hours a day, food and fuel prices are rising fast, unemployment is high and soaring.  Everything is hard and getting worse for almost everyone except the politicians.  They are getting richer and, Nepalis say, doing nothing.  There could be mass violence if the CA is still deadlocked on May 27.

The pressure is high enough it seems likely the CA can pass a constitution by May 27 with everything resolved except state structure.   They might defer that to a new commission, which would likely be acceptable to UN observers following the process and India, which would have to intervene if Nepal became overtly ungovernable.

Baburam Bhatterai is the only politician who commands any respect from Nepalis.  He surprised almost everyone by resolving the equally long-standing issue of reintegrating the Maoist “soldiers” into society and he may succeed in getting a compromise of this kind accepted.

USA Government’s Topmost Challenges

The 2012 election is no more than a 24/7 entertainment program.  It distracts us from our government’s most important challenges:

  • Manage public spending
  • Manage the financial sector
  • Eliminate government corruption.

Manage public spending includes:

  • Ongoingly raise sufficient revenue to cover the cost of ongoing services, e.g. the military
  • Issue debt to fund infrastructure investments that can only be made by the public sector, e.g., the interstate highway system
  • Increase taxes to fund large unforseen expenses, e.g. wars

Fundamentally, it means MANAGING the top and bottom lines, not letting them drift.  It does not mean managing them to an ongoing level.  The electorate can change what services are publicly provided.  Infrastructure investment should vary as opportunities (and threats) arise.  Public spending must be managed in the context of national strategy, which will change. The mess we’re in now requires a turn-around plan.

Manage the financial sector includes:

  • Prevent private financial institutions from taking risks insured by the public, e.g. dismantle the TBTF banks
  • Prosecute finance executives who broke existing laws
  • Regulate the derivatives and other currently unregulated markets

Dodd-Frank etc will not prevent another collapse triggered by financial executives who will be made whole by a traumatized public.

Eliminate government corruption includes:

  • Eliminate political influence via campaign contributions

Arguably, this is the most important of all “to-do’s” because good governance is paramount no matter which direction we want to go.  Public spending is not being managed because our governing body is corrupt.  There has been no meaningful reform of our financial sector for the same reason.  Elected representatives should represent all constituents, not favor those who contribute to their election, i.e., we want the reality of one person one vote.

There will always be a spectrum of opinion about matters of culture.  I have opinions about those but they’re not on my list because I do not expect everyone to agree.  I do believe everyone will agree with the 3 “to-do’s” above although not necessarily their relative importance or even that they are the most important three.   What do you say?